The Dominant Occupation Of The Pastoralism Sociology Essay

The Dominant Occupation Of The Pastoralism Sociology EssayPastoralism is the dominant barter in the Horn of Africa simply beca affair the desiccate environment, with its scattered, in arranged and often get around and intense rainfall (when it occurs) permits no other consistent regimen product (Herr, 1992). The arcadianists by and large obtain their food from their herds of cows, sheep, goats and in the drier regions, camels. Some of these mess cultivate agricultural crops where they can, most do non.Pastoralist societies in Kenya atomic number 18 in transition. This accreditedity is confirmed by studies on the rudeist communities take upicularly on the Maasai, Boran, and Rendille of Kenya (Evangelou, 1984 Fratkin, 2001). The equivalent can be said of the Gabra, the Ariaal, the Sakuye, the Samburu, and the Turkana (Oba, 2001). The transition is due to population growth, freeing of herding lands to farmers, ranchers, game parks, urban growth, enlarged commoditizat ion of the inventory economy, out-migration by myopic pastoralists, and break wipe outs brought round by drouth, famine, and ethnic conflicts coup direct with privatization and individuation of reasonly communally held resources.The region of Northern Kenya (with an ara of 250,000 km.) is arid and semi-arid. Rainfall is blue-pitchedly versatile from yr to year and drought is recurrent. Pastoralism is the dominant economic activity, given that agricultural potential is blue. Farming is only possible in the few localities with high and medium agricultural potentials. Economic survival of the hatfuls of the region depends on focusing of numerous species of livestock camels, kine, donkeys, sheep and goats. Drought, disease and a certain cadence of hazard argon all realities. Northern Kenya excessively borders highly unstable orders, including Somalia, Sudan, Ethiopia and Uganda, and the borders with these countries are porous, if they can be said to exist at all. Th e regional dimensions of conflict, and in particular the ease in which groups and arms cross borders has increased the incidences and callousness of conflict in the region and led to a commercialization of oxen raiding and cattle rustling. The foregoing points to a beneficial clangor of the traditionalistic pastoral economy and fabrics of the mixer security systems thereby pointing to an uncertain proximo (Sobania, 1979 Kassam Bashuna, 2004). Life in these environments is uncertain, dangerous and tenuous forcing m some(prenominal) juvenile masses to migrate to urban areas in search of alternative livelihoods.Given the harsh natural environment, pressure on natural resources, decline or collapse of , red ink of livestock, lack of hood letter, and check survival alternatives, encamped youths are for the most part destitute. Dislocated youths living in urban areas have to contend with rent, electricity, irrigate and other bills, as sound as buying food. This can be part icularly challenging for those without a steady source of income. Many lock away in petty trade, buying and exchange vegetables, second-hand clothes and shoes (mitumba), food items, fuel (paraffin, charcoal, firewood), while others participate in itinerant hawking, boda boda (bicycle taxis), brick making, brick laying and selling water. A few work in factories, others have started small businesses much(prenominal) as brewing illicit liquors and tailoring. Some youths have been reduced to mendicity or crime in order to survive for lack of well-grounded skills in the salaried sector. They find themselves isolated from family and friends in an environment characterized by inadequate amenities (Livingst angiotensin-converting enzyme, 1986 Cernea, 1990 Bovin et al., 1990).Pastoralist youths have suffered serious reverses in economic and fond wellbeing such that they are unable to live up to effected norms of supporting their households. This is because equipment failure can deva lue their shared survival skills whereby vital mixer ne bothrks and life support mechanisms for families are weakened or dismantled. situation systems are debilitated or collapse ( humanness Bank 1994, Cernea 1993b 1994a). The proposed arena exit explore the causes and kind consequences of the erosion of the pastoralist livelihood systems as exemplified in urban migration, urban crime, joblessness, substance abuse and other evidence of brotherly and psychological anomie among youths with book of facts to Wajir regulate.1.2 Statement of the ProblemIn Wajir District it is estimated that 80% or more of the population depends on pastoralism. The order is predominantly arid and semi-arid, has a history of conflict and internal dis bottomment. These are harsh realities that are made worse by marginalization by the presidency largely due to the partitions perceived lack of economic potential as well as a deficient understanding on how to support and nurture nomadic pastoralism as a viable and sustainable livelihood. The regularise is come on characterized by chronic drought (RoP, 1965 RoP, 2005). The cumulative result is the breakd bear of genial support systems rendering the provision of positive opportunities for as apparel accumulation undoable (Amuyunzu-Nyamongo Ezeh 2005, Rakodi 2002). These realities have made genial dislocation and or urban migration lovely alternatives (Ellis, 2000 Fratkin, 2001). Youthful individuals who experience social dislocation are at take chances of social impoverishment. They are exposed to social problems of urban life such as joblessness, urban crime, drug and alcohol addiction. Their experiences may also increase their dissatisfaction with existing orders leading to an upsurge in crime and violence, accompanied by other symptoms of social and psychological distress (World Bank 1994, Cernea 1993b 1994a Oba, 2001). This battlefield seeks to analyse the experiences of social dislocation in Kenya with reference to youths from pastoralist communities in Wajir District.1.3 Purpose of the disciplineThe purpose of this believe is to probe the experiences of social dislocation in Kenya with reference to youths from pastoralist communities in Wajir District.1.4 Study ObjectivesThis test pull up stakes be guided by the following objectivesTo set up an overview of the present challenges lining pastoralists in Wajir DistrictTo propose the patterns of displacement among youthful pastoralists in Wajir DistrictTo examine the difficulties of fitting socially dislocated youths face in Wajir DistrictTo determine remedies to the problem of social dislocation among youths in Wajir District1.5 Research QuestionsThis study ordain be guided by the following look into questionsWhat are the present challenges veneering pastoralists in Wajir District?What are the patterns of displacement in Wajir District?What adjustment difficulties do socially dislocated youths face in Wajir District?What are the r emedies to the problem of social dislocation among youths in Wajir District?1.6 Research AssumptionsThe study leave behind be guided by the following assumptions-All the responsives allow give reliable information without fear or favor.That major towns in Wajir District have socially dislocated pastoralists youths.That the findings of this study go out uphold policymakers and stakeholders to address the pastoralist crisis.1.7 Justification for the StudyThis study is significant because of the following reasons on that point is limited books (Ellis, 2000 Fratkin, 2001) on the demasculation and decline in the social capital of the pastoralist economy in Wajir District. This study, therefore, by documenting this facet, could immensely contri hardlye to knowledge and literature on the experiences of social dislocation and how it impacts on youths from pastoralist communities in Wajir District.The findings of this study could be relevant to policy-makers and other stakeholders suc h as NGOs and CBOs in formulating viable policies and preventive programmes to remedy the problem of social dislocation among youths in Wajir District.The local association will hopefully benefit when the problem of social dislocation among youths in Wajir District is addressed.1.8 Scope and Limitation of the StudyThese are the boundaries to any study (Mugenda and Mugenda, 1999). This study will be carried out in Wajir East District in NEP Kenya. This study was prompted by the fact that the issue of social dislocation is a major challenge in Wajir District. The inquiry will not cover broad issues outside the issue of social dislocation in Wajir District.The study will limit itself to Wajir District. For more conclusive results, all geographical locations inhabited by pastoralist communities would have been studied. However, this is not possible due to fiscal and other logistical constraints such as time and duration of the study. early(a) limitations in this study include the t ough terrain, poor transport al-Qaida and general jeopardy making it difficult to traverse the district during info collection. The researcher will make special travel arrangements to overcome these challenges.1.9 divinatory FrameworkThis study will be guided by the theories of social geometry and social capital.The theory of social geometry links socially-constructed places, socially-constructed time, and socially-constructed personages in order to get the picture routine and ritual activities (Fabian, 1992). The social geometry of a people consists of infinite intersections of socially-constructed quadrangles, socially-constructed times, and socially-constructed personages. And, for many cultures, the geometry also defines who are we? Research on environmental memories has discovered the near universality of fondly remembered childhood places, representing the intersection of culturally constructed time and place (Altman et al. 1994 Marcus, 1994 Chawla, 1994). Mitigating soc ial dislocation begins by reconstructing the social geometry (spatial and temporal dislocation) of the displaced. This is because attachment to space and time can be a powerful binding thread for displaced social groups.Moser (1996) is renown for making significant contri simplyions to the social capital theory. He argued that communities ability to cope depends not only on their material well-being, but also on their social capital the trust, networks, and reciprocal arrangements that link people with their communities. Rural and urban migration often follow long established patterns rough drawing on networks of information and contacts established by earlier waves of migration. Up to a point, such social capital may be strengthened by economic crisis, but beyond that threshold, networks let overwhelmed and social systems break down with disastrous consequences (Cousins, 1993 Amuyunzu-Nyamongo Ezeh 2005, Rakodi 2002).Studies (Moser and McIlaine 2005 Buvinic et al., 1999) were undertaken on the experiences of migrants in urban environments especially with reference to Latin America. These studies established that social dislocation is accompanied by an upsurge in crime and violence, accompanied by other symptoms of social and psychological distress. These studys findings shew that social dislocation that manifest through the apparent breakdown of embodied responses to livelihood erosion is both the result of a decline in the social capital of many pastoralist communities, and a causal factor in accelerating that breakdown by reinforcing social differentiation and decreasing levels of trust amidst individuals. Traditional, or informal institutions can often no longer corroborate order, and neither do the formal institutions of the give tongue to command any confidence. fond dislocation weakens and stand bys dismantle vital social networks and life support mechanisms for families and communities. laterality systems are questi matchlessd or simply coll apse in the face of the arising late challenges thereby groups lose their capacity to self-manage and the society suffers a demonstrable reducing in its capacity to cope with uncertainty (World Bank 1994, Cernea 1993b 1994a). This coupled with the high rate of migration into urban centers and the speed of economic change (not necessarily growth) complicates pastoralists adjustment.1.10 rendering of Significant TermsDistrict a geographical area delimit with a gazetted political boundary and comprises of a number of divisions, locations and sub-locations.Stakeholders people/ institutions that are directly interested in the functioning of a school. kindly breakdown The emotional, psychological or physical experience by persons who were forced to recite themselves from the ring of people, places and activities on which they had depended (for their livelihoods).CHAPTER TWOLITERATURE REVIEW2.1 IntroductionThis chapter round related literature under the following subheadings name ly social dislocation, challenges facing pastoralist communities, difficulties of adjustment for socially dislocated pastoralists, remedies to the problem of social dislocation and gaps identified.2.2 Social DislocationAccording to Sutro, Levingston and Downing (1988) people experience social dislocation when they are emotionally, psychologically or physically forced to separate themselves from the circle of people, places and activities on which they had depended (for their livelihoods). The debate on social dislocation revolves around the birth between human activity and climate. The human-made dimensions of the pastoral plight are attributable to overstocking and other exogenous factors such as population growth, immigration, conflict and authorities policies. Climate related explanations revolve around drought, famine, decreased rainfall, floods, among others.Sobania (1979) observes that distributively year drought results in dislocation of the poor, despite massive hand-outs of famine alleviation by disposals and donors. For him, drought survival involves survival of the fabrics of the social security systems that must(prenominal) depend on survival of livestock, marketing of the produce and sharing the resources.World Bank (1994) observes that each year, about 10 million people become involuntarily displaced and risk social impoverishment. Causes of social dislocation among pastoralists include limited introduction to water and pasture resources, loss of traditional grazing land, cattle raiding, lack of alternative sources of livelihood from pastoralism.Fratkin (2001) observes that dislocations among pastoralist societies in Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda are brought about by drought, famine, and civil war. These problems are intensified by the current trend of presidential term policies that encourage privatization and individuation of formerly communally held resources (Lane, 1989 1996).Getachew (1995) and Fratkin (2001) attribute the prevalence of social dislocation among pastoral communities to the deteriorating conditions of food security and the breakdown of the traditional pastoral economy. They further note that worsening conditions of food security are occurring as interventions by states and international NGOs are decreasing. Several reasons exist for this state of affairs. First, suppuration took no notice of the indigenous coping strategies of the pastoralists, their goals and aspirations (Grandin and Lembuya 1987, Hogg 1990). Second, because coherent government policies on drought are lacking, failure to reduce drought losses is frustrating the development efforts. Third, programs originationed to help the pastoralists do not mix in their coping strategies into drought heed plans (Huss-Ashmore and Katz 1989).Bonfiglioli (1992) identifies six factors that to him are responsible for social dislocation among pastoralist communities. First, is the issue of climate and ecology the lack of rainfall tends to set the array of vegetation over time, directly locomoteing livestock populations and pastoralists. sort in this parameter has worked to push pastoralists of the Sahel south. Second, demographic growth this factor contributes chiefly to the push of pastoralists into nomadism. Third, the agricultural impasse an increased demand for agricultural products has led to less f countenanceing and the opening up of more lands for agriculture at the write off of pasture land. These practices have led to disruptions in local level farmer-herder interchange. At another level, mega- roam agricultural development has expropriated large areas of former grazing land. Fourth, government development policies this factor is one of central control serving state interests rather than local interests. Additionally, mismanagement, faulty policies and international trade has worked to impoverish pastoralists. Fifth, internalisation into the market economy essentially, this has been a double movement of i ncreasing habituation and marginalization because of national production/exchange structures and the resulting loss of control by pastoralists over the terms of trade. Finally, insecurity, wars, and conflicts the interplay of political conflict, bionomic stress and resulting food insecurity is present throughout the drylands. Pastoralists have borne the brunt of this crisis both as soldier and victim.Bovin and gutter (1990) celebrated that the political and economic dimensions of social dislocation include state policies that are seen to favor agriculture and settlement at the expense of pastoralism.2.3 Challenges veneer Pastoralists CommunitiesThe Sessional Paper No 10 of 1965 on African Socialism and its applications programme to Planning in Kenya presented the framework for development and equity in Kenya but also presented great dilemma when it noted public investment would go to areas of highest potential returns and people most responsive to change. This approach was to fa vour the former White Highlands while perpetuating the marginalization of areas like North Eastern state and the malaria and tsetse fly infested western lowlands (RoK, 1965).Little (1997) and Hogg (1988) documented a series of crises that led to losses and impoverishment among the Ilchamus pastoralists of Kenya. The Ilchamus crisis was attributed to loss of pasture to European settlers, market quarantines, farmer encroachment, use of communal grazing by absentee possessor and the expansion of cultivation by herders. This reality could equally serve to differentiate the situation among pastoralists elsewhere in KenyaSperling and Galaty (1994) attributed the crisis among the Samburu and Maasai pastoralists in Kenya to the gradual truncation of pastoral relations and narrowing of their access to resources, in land use, labor and livestock networks. Such circumscription undermines the strength of a more collective specialized pastoralism e.g. access to a range of pasture and an exte nsive shared labor kitten to the benefit of a privileged minority.Fratkin (2001) utilize examples of the Maasai, Boran, and Rendille of Kenya to demonstrate that East African pastoralists are increasingly witnessing social and economic stratification, urban migration, and diminished fare for women and children as a result of increased economic diversification including agro-pastoralism, remuneration labor, and increased market integration.Oba (2001) observes that pastoralists have to contend with environmental vagaries and conflicts over the growing of limited resources. While the traditional practice of cattle raiding was make seasonally as a rite of passage into adulthood, to obtain cattle for bride price, a re instauration of restocking after calamities such as prolonged drought and raids were predictable, infrequent and controlled not to cause death or harmfully affect the lives or livelihoods of the society, today that is not he case any more. The Pokot, Turkana, Marakw et, Tugen and Keiyo raided each other, but lived harmoniously until the onset of multi-party politics in the 1990s, when the raids eventually acquired hawkish and criminal tendencies. As the practice gained political character, raiders disregarded the seasonal aspect of cattle theft. Whereas communities would organize missions to retrieve stolen animals, the introduction of small arms has changed the temper of such custom and undermined traditional conflict management arrangements. Increasingly, communities are amassing weapons for their own security, and to exact out raids and retaliation missions. Any number of armed young raiders can now go on raiding missions, with or without the state of grace of the traditional elders who traditionally sanctioned raids2.4 Difficulties of Adjustment for Socially Dislocated PastoralistsCernea (1990) revealed that social dislocation may lead to eight forms of impoverishment unemployment, homelessness, landlessness, marginalization, food insec urity, loss of access to common property, erosion of health status, and social disarticulation. These findings were reconfirmed by a wider study conducted by the World Bank. Indeed, World Bank (1994) observes that following the drought of 1984, the phrase revolutionary pastoralists was coined to describe the growing number of stockless or near-stockless pastoralists assemble in and around prominent trading centers subsisting on famine relief. The deductive reasoning is that those pastoralists who become involuntarily displaced and risk social impoverishment. Social impoverishment occurs when the displaced are unable to answer the primary cultural question where are we? Or rather who are we?Displacements in North Eastern Kenya has been due to resource conflict and security operation (Oba, 2001). For instance, in Manyatta Demo, Isiolo district, the pastoral economy has neer recovered from the brutal government counter-insurgency activities in the 1960s and raiding by groups from the east in the 1980s and 1990s. Most residents have no capital or stock, and are obliged to produce and sell charcoal, an activity which is precarious, low return, and illegal. Women, on the other hand, have a much wider set of pursuits store and selling of firewood, selling miraa (khat), milk, eggs and honey gathering wild fruits, herbal medicines and incense weaving baskets and mats and making bread.2.5 Remedies to the Problem of Social DislocationStudies (Bryceson, 1996 Ellis (2000) and Francis et al (2005) observe that livelihood diversification has been widely recognized phenomena in Africa in recent decades as households have sought to sustain themselves by government agency of a wider array of economic activities. While these processes can be a positive response to new opportunities, they may also reflect a forced shift into more marginal activities as assets become erode and former livelihood systems unviable. Forms of diversification recorded in their study include shi fts to new farm enterprises, to off-farm sources of income, and to non-farm activities.Several studies in Kenya and elsewhere have rigid this to rest (Green, 1987 Atwood, 1990 Carter, Wiebe and Blarel, 1991 Migot-Adholla, Hazell, Blarel and Place, 1991) the common belief that indigenous tenure systems impede productivity and the former mistaken notion of pastoralist overstocking and mismanagement.McCabe (1990) and Ndagala (1990) recognized that the provision of certain developments such as boreholes and veterinary care have removed some constraints on the potential for herd increase with the possibility for localized forage depletion.Behnke and Scoones (1992) and Scoones (1995) talked of ecological succession that captured fluctuating stocking rates and migratory patterns of forage exploitation that allow pastoral management to survive and even to flourish, sustaining livestock numbers in good years well beyond the conventional range management recommendations. These sentiments ar e supported by Bonfiglioli (1992) who argues that the image of eco-disaster and collapse should be harden by the realization of the complexities, cultural resilience and the possibilities of pastoral viability. Besides, Sandford (1983) and Homewood and Rodgers (1987) observed that no satisfactory evidence was found for either declining for either declining productivity or overgrazing in either Baringo District, Kenya or the Ngorongoro Conservation Area in Tanzania.Oba (2001) also opines that development programs might alleviate problems of social dislocation on a sustained basis if the people are helped to revive indigenous means of coping. This has not happened because improved knowledge of indigenous coping strategies, which is essential for underdeveloped food security policy, is lacking.CHAPTER THREERESEARCH METHODOLOGY3.0 IntroductionThis chapter presents the research methodology for the study including the research design, the study site, show population, sample and the co nsume techniques, entropy collection instruments, validity and reliability of the instruments, selective information collection procedures and info analysis.3.1 Research DesignThe study will use the survey design to explore the experiences of social dislocation in Kenya with reference to youths from pastoralist communities in Wajir District. A survey design is a technique where detailed information concerning a phenomenon is collected by posing questions to the respondents such that it becomes possible to find explanations for the social phenomenon in question (Wiersma Churchill, 1995). Therefore, surveys design concerns gathering of facts or pertinent and fine information concerning the current state of a phenomenon and wherever possible coating from the facts discovered. The descriptive survey design is best suited for this study because it is aimed at description of state of affairs as they exist (Kombo Tromp, 2006).3.2 Study pickleThis study will be conducted in Wajir Dis trict an administrative district in the North Eastern Province of Kenya. Its capital town is Wajir. The district has a population of 319,261 and an area of 55,501 km. Wajir district has only one local authority Wajir county council. The district has four constituencies Wajir North, Wajir West, Wajir East and Wajir South. Wajir District is divided into fourteen administrative divisions. The researcher collected data from two divisions, namely, Habaswein and Central. These are the divisions that host important urban centres namely Habaswein and Wajir town respectively.Borg Gall (1989) noted that the ideal setting for any study should be easy accessible to the researcher and should be that which permits instant rapport with the informants. Wajir District is chosen because it is easily accessible to the researcher. Wajir District is of importance in this study because it has the right organic law of the target population given that it has urban centres that have become winsome to dislocated pastoralist youths.3.3 Target PopulationThe target population is the number of real hypothetical set of people, events or objects to which a researcher wishes to generalize his/her findings (Borg Gall, 1989). The target population will consist of all dislocated pastoralist youths in Wajir District. The study will involve local provincial administration (chiefs), Muslim spiritual leaders comprising of Sheikhs, Imams, mosque committees and madrassa teachers. Other categories will include representatives of NGOs, CBO officials, government officials and youth groups leaders.3.4 sample and Sampling ProceduresBy observing the characteristics of a carefully selected and representative sample, one can make certain inferences about characteristics of a population from which it is cadaverous (Kothari, 1995). Mugenda and Mugenda (1999) suggest that 10% of the accessible population is adequate to serve as a study sample. Probability sampling will be utilize to obtain a sample of respondents to participate in the study.Since we are selecting two divisions, the figure 2 becomes the benchmark for selection of respondents that will Muslim religious leaders comprising Sheikhs and Imams, madrassa teachers, representatives of NGOs, CBO officials, government officials, youth groups leaders, and village elders.3.5 Research InstrumentsThis study will be based on primary and secondary data. Fieldwork incorporating personal reflection will be utilized to obtain primary data. Primary sources of data will comprise field notes and reports made by the researcher with the help of two research assistants, interviews and observation summaries in the selected areas. The researcher and the assistants will use self-administered questionnaires to collect pertinent information from a cross section of informants.A selfcompletion questionnaire is deemed most appropriate for the proposed study. This is because questionnaires are easy to administer, congenial to complete and fast t o score and therefore take relatively very(prenominal) little time of researchers and respondents. The questionnaire enables participants to feel free to note down their responses without curtailment since they are not being observed.The study will use turn upd-ended and unrestricted questionnaires, interviews and observation to draw responses from various categories of respondents. Open-ended questionnaires will be used to elicit in-depth information from respondents.Secondary data will be poised from official documents, development reports and other published and unpublished materials.3.6 Instrument severity and ReliabilityValidity of a test represent the extent to which a test measures what it purpose to measure what it is supposed to be measuring (Orodho, 2005). To stir content validity, the research instrument will be appraised by the project supervisors. Their contributions and suggestions will be used to clarify ambiguous questions and add new questions that would be f orgotten. This will help reduce error in data collection.Reliability concerns the degree to which the same results could be obtained with a repeated measure at accuracy of the same result concept. A pilot study will be conducted to ensure reliability of the questionnaire and to identify any demand for revisions. Participants of the pilot study will be asked to complete the instrument and to provide comments or suggestions for revising any ambiguous items.Orodho (2005) observes that if the scores obtained from each respondent in the two tests are identical or quite close the measurement will be perceived to be reliable. The Pearson Product second gear Correlation will be employed to compute the correlation coefficient in order to establish the extent to which the content in the questionnaires are consistent in eliciting every time the instrument is administered. A correlation coefficient of about 0.8 will be considered high enough to judge the instrument as reliable.3.8 Data Collec tion ProceduresThe researcher will seek a research permit from the Ministry of Education then notify the office of the district commissioner, the district education officer and the local administration. The researcher will then get wind the respondents and give out the respective questionnaires to each of the respective selected respondents personally. The researcher will be available throughout to offer assistance to the respondents and make any necessary clarifications.3.7 Data AnalysisData collected from the field will be cleaned and prepared for data analysis. Data analysis will be done using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS). Data presentation will take the form of descriptive statistics (i.e. frequency tables, cross-tabulations, pie charts and bar graphs).3.8 honorable ConsiderationsA permit will be sought from the Ministry of Education to carry out the research. The researcher will obtain informed consent from the institutions and participants. The responden ts will be assured that the information obtained from the data will only b